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The phonetics and phonology of rhoti...

The Pennsylvania State University.

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The phonetics and phonology of rhotic duration contrast and neutralization.

Record Type:	Language materials, printed : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	The phonetics and phonology of rhotic duration contrast and neutralization./
Author:	Bradley, Travis Gordon.
Description:	315 p.
Notes:	Adviser: John M. Lipski.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International62-12A.
Subject:	Language, Linguistics. -
Online resource:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3036008
ISBN:	9780493488943

The phonetics and phonology of rhotic duration contrast and neutralization.
Bradley, Travis Gordon.

The phonetics and phonology of rhotic duration contrast and neutralization. - 315 p.

Adviser: John M. Lipski.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Pennsylvania State University, 2001.

A number of the world's languages exhibit a phonological duration-based contrast between an extra-short coronal tap and a sustainable multiple-cycle trill. Relevant data from Spanish, Catalan, European Portuguese, Basque, Sebei, Kaliai-Kove, Kairiru, Palauan, Kurdish, and Ngizim suggest an implicational hierarchy of the form intervocalic < word-initial < elsewhere (word-final, pre- and post-consonantal), where contrast in a given position entails contrast in positions to the left. This dissertation develops a comprehensive analysis of the positional neutralization of rhotic duration contrast. Chapter 1 introduces the analytical framework of phonetically-based Optimality Theory, focusing specifically on Correspondence Theory, the Dispersion Theory of contrast, Segmental Autonomy, and Licensing by Cue, and then previews proposed analysis. Chapter 2 demonstrates how contemporary generative accounts have consistently invoked syllable structure and/or sonority in attempts to explain the distribution of the tap and trill in Spanish. However, data from languages beyond Spanish show that not all aspects of the behavior of these rhotics can be adequately captured with reference to syllable structure alone. Chapter 3 develops an account of the rhotic duration typology, with Spanish serving as the primary example. On this account, phonetic and phonological constraints interact directly to determine the surface distribution of rhotics without reference to syllable boundaries. Since reference to syllable structure is unnecessary, the analysis does not face the same difficulties as existing prosodic accounts when data beyond Spanish are taken into consideration. Chapter 4 presents an empirical survey of languages beyond the Iberian Romance family and documents several heretofore unnoticed generalizations regarding the positional neutralization of rhotic duration contrast. These generalizations follow straightforwardly as a consequence of constraint interaction under the phonetically-based OT analysis developed in Chapter 3. Finally, Chapter 5 treats issues of phonological representation by focusing on the ambiguous nature of the surface trill, which patterns sometimes as a single unit and sometimes as a cluster of taps. It is argued that a morphologically-derived sequence of taps is neutralized to trill by dint of a targeted constraint enforcing coalescence of adjacent rhotics. Chapter 5 concludes by summarizing the main results of the dissertation and by outlining some issues for future research.

ISBN: 9780493488943Subjects--Topical Terms:

1018079
Language, Linguistics.

The phonetics and phonology of rhotic duration contrast and neutralization.
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020 $a 9780493488943
035 $a (UMI)AAI3036008
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100 1 $a Bradley, Travis Gordon. $3 1018101
245 1 4 $a The phonetics and phonology of rhotic duration contrast and neutralization.
300 $a 315 p.
500 $a Adviser: John M. Lipski.
500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 62-12, Section: A, page: 4142.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Pennsylvania State University, 2001.
520 $a A number of the world's languages exhibit a phonological duration-based contrast between an extra-short coronal tap and a sustainable multiple-cycle trill. Relevant data from Spanish, Catalan, European Portuguese, Basque, Sebei, Kaliai-Kove, Kairiru, Palauan, Kurdish, and Ngizim suggest an implicational hierarchy of the form intervocalic < word-initial < elsewhere (word-final, pre- and post-consonantal), where contrast in a given position entails contrast in positions to the left. This dissertation develops a comprehensive analysis of the positional neutralization of rhotic duration contrast. Chapter 1 introduces the analytical framework of phonetically-based Optimality Theory, focusing specifically on Correspondence Theory, the Dispersion Theory of contrast, Segmental Autonomy, and Licensing by Cue, and then previews proposed analysis. Chapter 2 demonstrates how contemporary generative accounts have consistently invoked syllable structure and/or sonority in attempts to explain the distribution of the tap and trill in Spanish. However, data from languages beyond Spanish show that not all aspects of the behavior of these rhotics can be adequately captured with reference to syllable structure alone. Chapter 3 develops an account of the rhotic duration typology, with Spanish serving as the primary example. On this account, phonetic and phonological constraints interact directly to determine the surface distribution of rhotics without reference to syllable boundaries. Since reference to syllable structure is unnecessary, the analysis does not face the same difficulties as existing prosodic accounts when data beyond Spanish are taken into consideration. Chapter 4 presents an empirical survey of languages beyond the Iberian Romance family and documents several heretofore unnoticed generalizations regarding the positional neutralization of rhotic duration contrast. These generalizations follow straightforwardly as a consequence of constraint interaction under the phonetically-based OT analysis developed in Chapter 3. Finally, Chapter 5 treats issues of phonological representation by focusing on the ambiguous nature of the surface trill, which patterns sometimes as a single unit and sometimes as a cluster of taps. It is argued that a morphologically-derived sequence of taps is neutralized to trill by dint of a targeted constraint enforcing coalescence of adjacent rhotics. Chapter 5 concludes by summarizing the main results of the dissertation and by outlining some issues for future research.
590 $a School code: 0176.
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710 2 $a The Pennsylvania State University. $3 699896
773 0 $t Dissertation Abstracts International $g 62-12A.
790 $a 0176
790 1 0 $a Lipski, John M., $e advisor
791 $a Ph.D.
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856 4 0 $u http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3036008