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Event Structure and Serial Verbs in ...
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Johnston, William,
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Event Structure and Serial Verbs in Hmong /
Record Type:
Electronic resources : Monograph/item
Title/Author:
Event Structure and Serial Verbs in Hmong // William Johnston.
Author:
Johnston, William,
Description:
1 electronic resource (211 pages)
Notes:
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-08, Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertations Abstracts International86-08A.
Subject:
Linguistics. -
Online resource:
https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=31836615
ISBN:
9798304946445
Event Structure and Serial Verbs in Hmong /
Johnston, William,
Event Structure and Serial Verbs in Hmong /
William Johnston. - 1 electronic resource (211 pages)
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-08, Section: A.
This thesis investigates the grammar of the verb phrase in White Hmong (Hmong-Mien, Laos/Thailand). It focuses on two main issues: the structure of so-called "serial verb constructions" (SVCs) and the multifunctionality of verbal predicates.I argue that SVCs generally follow the syntactic and semantic contours of well-known constructions already familiar from non-serializing languages, including direct/lexical causatives, directed motion constructions, culminating Accomplishments, and resultatives. The primary distinction between SVCs and their non-SVC counterparts, in this view, is that serializing languages "re-use" verbal predicates to lexicalize a variety of heads often associated with "functional" lexical items. However, as the lexical semantic content of a verb is only accessible in the environment of an appropriate categorizing heads, this places hard limits on the expressive power of genuine serial verb constructions cross-linguistically: their syntactic and semantic complexity must be no more than can be derived within the first VoiceP constituent of the verbal extended projection.Here I focus on three main constructions. First, I compare the Hmong direct causative, a productive serial verb construction, with the indirect causative, a light verb construction. I argue that the semantic content of lexical verbs necessarily leads to a direct causal interpretation (Bittner 1999, Kratzer 2005), and that this content is accessible only when the verb is categorized within the well-attested "domain of special meanings" or "first phase" (i.e. VoiceP; Marantz 1997, Arad 2003, Ramchand 2008, Harley 2014, a.o.).Second, I examine the class of "path predicates", which are used to express directed motion in Hmong. Prior literature takes these to be verbs that form complex serial verb constructions (Clark 1979, Jarkey 2015). Based on two co-occurrence restrictions consistent with decompositional accounts of the prepositional domain (Pantcheva 2011), I argue that Hmong path predicates are instead prepositions, which in certain cases they give rise to "deprepositional" verbs.Finally, I investigate (non-)culmination in two classes of Hmong predicates, Accomplishment verbs and Goal prepositions. Neither entails by default that their goal is reached, but in both domains, culmination entailments can be derived by parallel strategies involving secondary predication. This strategy has long been attested in the verbal domain (Parsons 1990, Pustejovsky 1991, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1998, Higginbotham 2001, Ramchand 2008, a.o.), but is not heretofore described in the prepositional domain.Taken together, these investigations probe from various angles the properties and distribution of multifunctional predicates, the semantics of causation, the nature of syntactic categories, and the structure of the verbal and prepositional domains.
English
ISBN: 9798304946445Subjects--Topical Terms:
524476
Linguistics.
Subjects--Index Terms:
Serial verb constructions
Event Structure and Serial Verbs in Hmong /
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This thesis investigates the grammar of the verb phrase in White Hmong (Hmong-Mien, Laos/Thailand). It focuses on two main issues: the structure of so-called "serial verb constructions" (SVCs) and the multifunctionality of verbal predicates.I argue that SVCs generally follow the syntactic and semantic contours of well-known constructions already familiar from non-serializing languages, including direct/lexical causatives, directed motion constructions, culminating Accomplishments, and resultatives. The primary distinction between SVCs and their non-SVC counterparts, in this view, is that serializing languages "re-use" verbal predicates to lexicalize a variety of heads often associated with "functional" lexical items. However, as the lexical semantic content of a verb is only accessible in the environment of an appropriate categorizing heads, this places hard limits on the expressive power of genuine serial verb constructions cross-linguistically: their syntactic and semantic complexity must be no more than can be derived within the first VoiceP constituent of the verbal extended projection.Here I focus on three main constructions. First, I compare the Hmong direct causative, a productive serial verb construction, with the indirect causative, a light verb construction. I argue that the semantic content of lexical verbs necessarily leads to a direct causal interpretation (Bittner 1999, Kratzer 2005), and that this content is accessible only when the verb is categorized within the well-attested "domain of special meanings" or "first phase" (i.e. VoiceP; Marantz 1997, Arad 2003, Ramchand 2008, Harley 2014, a.o.).Second, I examine the class of "path predicates", which are used to express directed motion in Hmong. Prior literature takes these to be verbs that form complex serial verb constructions (Clark 1979, Jarkey 2015). Based on two co-occurrence restrictions consistent with decompositional accounts of the prepositional domain (Pantcheva 2011), I argue that Hmong path predicates are instead prepositions, which in certain cases they give rise to "deprepositional" verbs.Finally, I investigate (non-)culmination in two classes of Hmong predicates, Accomplishment verbs and Goal prepositions. Neither entails by default that their goal is reached, but in both domains, culmination entailments can be derived by parallel strategies involving secondary predication. This strategy has long been attested in the verbal domain (Parsons 1990, Pustejovsky 1991, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1998, Higginbotham 2001, Ramchand 2008, a.o.), but is not heretofore described in the prepositional domain.Taken together, these investigations probe from various angles the properties and distribution of multifunctional predicates, the semantics of causation, the nature of syntactic categories, and the structure of the verbal and prepositional domains.
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Cette thèse est une étude de la grammaire du syntagme verbal en Hmong blanc (Hmong-Mien, Laos/Thaïlande). Elle se concentre sur deux questions principales : la structure des « constructions verbales sérielles » (CVS) et la multifonctionnalité des prédicats verbaux.Je propose que les CVS suivent généralement les contours syntaxiques et sémantiques de constructions reconnues et familières dans les langues dépourvues de sérialisation verbale, y compris les causatifs directs/lexicaux, les constructions directionnelles, les accomplissements culminants et les prédicats résultatifs secondaires. Dans cette optique, la distinction fondamentale entre les CVS et leurs homologues non-CVS est que les langues sérialisantes « réutilisent » les prédicats verbaux pour lexicaliser une variété de têtes souvent associées à des éléments lexicaux « fonctionnels ». Cependant, puisque le contenu sémantique lexical d'un verbe n'est accessible que dans l'environnement d'une tête catégorisante appropriée, des limites strictes sont imposées au pouvoir expressif des véritables constructions verbales sérielles au niveau interlinguistique : leur complexité syntaxique et sémantique ne doit pas dépasser celle qui peut être déduite du premier constituant VoiceP de la projection verbale étendue.Je me concentre sur trois constructions principales. Tout d'abord, je compare le causatif direct hmong, une construction verbale sérielle productive, avec le causatif indirect, qui utilise un verbe léger. Je soutiens que le contenu sémantique des verbes lexicaux mène nécessairement à une interprétation causale directe (Bittner 1999, Kratzer 2005), et que ce contenu n'est accessible que lorsque le verbe est catégorisé dans le « domain of special meanings » ou « first phase » bien attesté (c'est-à-dire VoiceP ; Marantz 1997, Arad 2003, Ramchand 2008, Harley 2014, etc.).Ensuite, j'examine la classe des « path predicates » qui sont utilisés pour exprimer un mouvement directionnel en hmong. La littérature antérieure considère ces « path predicates » comme étant des verbes qui forment des constructions verbales sérielles complexes (Clark 1979, Jarkey 2015). M'appuyant sur deux restrictions de cooccurrence conformes aux théories de décomposition du domaine prépositionnel (Pantcheva 2011), je postule que les « path predicates » hmong sont plutôt des prépositions qui dans certains cas donnent lieu à des verbes « déprépositionnels ».Enfin, j'étudie la (non-)culmination dans deux classes de prédicats hmong, les verbes d'accomplissement et les prépositions de but. Aucun des deux n'implique par défaut que leur but est atteint, mais dans les deux domaines, les implications de culmination peuvent être dérivées par des stratégies parallèles impliquant une prédication secondaire. Cette stratégie a été attestée depuis longtemps dans le domaine verbal (Parsons 1990, Pustejovsky 1991, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1998, Higginbotham 2001, Ramchand 2008, etc.), mais n'a jamais été décrite dans le domaine prépositionnel jusqu'à présent.Ensemble, ces recherches examinent les propriétés et la distribution des prédicats multifonctionnels, la sémantique de la causalité, la nature des catégories syntaxiques et la structure des domaines verbaux et prépositionnels d'une nouvelle perspective.
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https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=31836615
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