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On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia...

Gao, Cynthia Yuan,

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On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia and the United States Left, 1969-1990 /

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia and the United States Left, 1969-1990 // Cynthia Yuan Gao.
作者:	Gao, Cynthia Yuan,
面頁冊數:	1 electronic resource (314 pages)
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-04, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International86-04A.
標題:	American studies. -
電子資源:	https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=31489922
ISBN:	9798342711753

On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia and the United States Left, 1969-1990 /
Gao, Cynthia Yuan,

On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia and the United States Left, 1969-1990 /Cynthia Yuan Gao. - 1 electronic resource (314 pages)

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-04, Section: A.

"On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia and the United States Left, 1969-1990," contends that Vietnam and China were central inspirations for of a variety of social movements in the long 1960s, who found in their example new possibilities for thinking the relation of class struggle to other forms of oppression: namely, patriarchy, racism, and colonialism. Through Revolutionary Asia, Americans found the possibility of a revolutionary politics which sanctioned and centered new subject positions beyond the traditional class category of the proletariat - the peasant, the woman, the Asian, the Third World. Each chapter thus conducts a case study of a different social movement organization to explore the influence of Revolutionary Asia on a variety of new socialist subjectivities: the Chicago Women's Liberation Union (CWLU) and the woman, the League of Revolutionary Struggle (LRS) and the oppressed nationality, Kokua Hawaii and the local. In doing so, I trace an alternative genealogy of American identity politics rooted not in academic debate or political science definitions of special interest, but a history of Marxist, internationalist, social movement praxis. At the same time, I also show how these radical forms of identity politics transformed over the course of the 1970s and 1980s. While in 1968, young radicals could imagine that revolution was just around the corner, the 1970s in fact provided new obstacles towards social change. Seeking to find new strategic orientations to combat state counterinsurgency, liberal co-optation, and declines in mass movement participation, many American radicals turned more closely to a hardline form of Maoism, centered on the building of Marxist-Leninist, democratic centralist parties. Ironically, this wave of radicals turned towards the PRC and Maoism just as the CCP began to move away from revolutionary internationalism as a matter of state policy, and as relationships between Chinese and Vietnamese communists began to deteriorate. Social movements became riven with bitter disputes over the meaning of a Chinese foreign policy which increasingly sided with the United States against the Soviet Union, the end of the Cultural Revolution and the CCP's subsequent repudiation of the Gang of Four, the Sino-Vietnamese War, and the adoption of market reforms in nominally socialist China and Vietnam. All of these events produced new ruptures in the US left, as well as a rethinking of the terms and temporality of revolutionary possibility. For American radicals, the effect of these changing international conditions was the decline of a domestic identity politics rooted in dynamic understandings of social contradiction and their relation to Marxist politics, to the triumph of a narrower liberal form of identity politics and recognition which became increasingly evacuated of class struggle.

English

ISBN: 9798342711753Subjects--Topical Terms:

2122720
American studies.
Subjects--Index Terms:

American communism

On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia and the United States Left, 1969-1990 /
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520 $a "On Contradiction: Revolutionary Asia and the United States Left, 1969-1990," contends that Vietnam and China were central inspirations for of a variety of social movements in the long 1960s, who found in their example new possibilities for thinking the relation of class struggle to other forms of oppression: namely, patriarchy, racism, and colonialism. Through Revolutionary Asia, Americans found the possibility of a revolutionary politics which sanctioned and centered new subject positions beyond the traditional class category of the proletariat - the peasant, the woman, the Asian, the Third World. Each chapter thus conducts a case study of a different social movement organization to explore the influence of Revolutionary Asia on a variety of new socialist subjectivities: the Chicago Women's Liberation Union (CWLU) and the woman, the League of Revolutionary Struggle (LRS) and the oppressed nationality, Kokua Hawaii and the local. In doing so, I trace an alternative genealogy of American identity politics rooted not in academic debate or political science definitions of special interest, but a history of Marxist, internationalist, social movement praxis. At the same time, I also show how these radical forms of identity politics transformed over the course of the 1970s and 1980s. While in 1968, young radicals could imagine that revolution was just around the corner, the 1970s in fact provided new obstacles towards social change. Seeking to find new strategic orientations to combat state counterinsurgency, liberal co-optation, and declines in mass movement participation, many American radicals turned more closely to a hardline form of Maoism, centered on the building of Marxist-Leninist, democratic centralist parties. Ironically, this wave of radicals turned towards the PRC and Maoism just as the CCP began to move away from revolutionary internationalism as a matter of state policy, and as relationships between Chinese and Vietnamese communists began to deteriorate. Social movements became riven with bitter disputes over the meaning of a Chinese foreign policy which increasingly sided with the United States against the Soviet Union, the end of the Cultural Revolution and the CCP's subsequent repudiation of the Gang of Four, the Sino-Vietnamese War, and the adoption of market reforms in nominally socialist China and Vietnam. All of these events produced new ruptures in the US left, as well as a rethinking of the terms and temporality of revolutionary possibility. For American radicals, the effect of these changing international conditions was the decline of a domestic identity politics rooted in dynamic understandings of social contradiction and their relation to Marxist politics, to the triumph of a narrower liberal form of identity politics and recognition which became increasingly evacuated of class struggle.
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