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Essays on Politics in the Historical...

Lawrimore, Trellace Marie.

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Essays on Politics in the Historical U.S. South.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Essays on Politics in the Historical U.S. South./
作者:	Lawrimore, Trellace Marie.
出版者:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2024,
面頁冊數:	197 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-12, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International85-12A.
標題:	Political science. -
電子資源:	https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=31242009
ISBN:	9798383161777

Essays on Politics in the Historical U.S. South.
Lawrimore, Trellace Marie.

Essays on Politics in the Historical U.S. South. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2024 - 197 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-12, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--New York University, 2024.

Chapters 1 and 2 are the foundation for my book project, How Elites Maintained Power in the Antebellum South. Chapter 1 investigates how enslavers repressed escape by enslaved Americans. While existing work has considered various repressive strategies in isolation, I model two ways to discourage escape - ex ante positive incentives and ex post pursuit - and contextualize them within the broader repressive environment. Results indicate that higher rewards do not always decrease escape attempts, and that, under certain conditions, higher rewards are associated with more pursuit and the same amount of running. Furthermore, enslavers do not always expend more on pursuit when the exogenous likelihood of escape is higher. The model speaks to enslavers' demands for slave patrols. Chapter 2 takes up the findings of chapter 1 to ask how enslavers incentivized non-slaveholding Whites' participation in slave patrols and policing. I hypothesize that elites secured non-slaveholders' compliance by offering policy concessions, specifically, public school funding. Using novel data on North Carolina, I find that more densely enslaved counties received more funds from the state and that elites in those counties raised more taxes for local schools. Further, densely enslaved counties raised more school taxes the closer they were to routes on the Underground Railroad. The chapter highlights non-slaveholders' role in preserving enslavers' power.Chapter 3 is a stand-alone work on the re-emergence of White supremacist groups. In the Civil-Rights era South, the Ku Klux Klan resurged after decades of dormancy. Curiously, however, the KKK did not re-emerge everywhere in the South, but chiefly in North Carolina. In order to elucidate this particular puzzle and the broader forces driving White supremacist terrorism in the U.S., I leverage under-utilized data on North Carolina klan rallies (1963-1967). I implement a finite mixture model to evaluate three explanations of KKK activity: racial threat, generational klan legacies, and school desegregation. Previous research has focused primarily on racial threat, but I find that racial threat is only consistent with 36% of the data, while klan legacies and school desegregation are together consistent with almost two-thirds of the data. The results encourage scholars to reassess the historical and political correlates of White supremacist activity.

ISBN: 9798383161777Subjects--Topical Terms:

528916
Political science.
Subjects--Index Terms:

Enslaved Americans

Essays on Politics in the Historical U.S. South.
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520 $a Chapters 1 and 2 are the foundation for my book project, How Elites Maintained Power in the Antebellum South. Chapter 1 investigates how enslavers repressed escape by enslaved Americans. While existing work has considered various repressive strategies in isolation, I model two ways to discourage escape - ex ante positive incentives and ex post pursuit - and contextualize them within the broader repressive environment. Results indicate that higher rewards do not always decrease escape attempts, and that, under certain conditions, higher rewards are associated with more pursuit and the same amount of running. Furthermore, enslavers do not always expend more on pursuit when the exogenous likelihood of escape is higher. The model speaks to enslavers' demands for slave patrols. Chapter 2 takes up the findings of chapter 1 to ask how enslavers incentivized non-slaveholding Whites' participation in slave patrols and policing. I hypothesize that elites secured non-slaveholders' compliance by offering policy concessions, specifically, public school funding. Using novel data on North Carolina, I find that more densely enslaved counties received more funds from the state and that elites in those counties raised more taxes for local schools. Further, densely enslaved counties raised more school taxes the closer they were to routes on the Underground Railroad. The chapter highlights non-slaveholders' role in preserving enslavers' power.Chapter 3 is a stand-alone work on the re-emergence of White supremacist groups. In the Civil-Rights era South, the Ku Klux Klan resurged after decades of dormancy. Curiously, however, the KKK did not re-emerge everywhere in the South, but chiefly in North Carolina. In order to elucidate this particular puzzle and the broader forces driving White supremacist terrorism in the U.S., I leverage under-utilized data on North Carolina klan rallies (1963-1967). I implement a finite mixture model to evaluate three explanations of KKK activity: racial threat, generational klan legacies, and school desegregation. Previous research has focused primarily on racial threat, but I find that racial threat is only consistent with 36% of the data, while klan legacies and school desegregation are together consistent with almost two-thirds of the data. The results encourage scholars to reassess the historical and political correlates of White supremacist activity.
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