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English Borrowings in Montreal and Saguenay: A Sociolinguistic Approach to Their Phonological (Non-)Adaptation.

Record Type:	Electronic resources : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	English Borrowings in Montreal and Saguenay: A Sociolinguistic Approach to Their Phonological (Non-)Adaptation./
Author:	Uzzell, Renata.
Published:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2021,
Description:	517 p.
Notes:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-04, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International83-04A.
Subject:	Sociolinguistics. -
Online resource:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28769467
ISBN:	9798460459827

English Borrowings in Montreal and Saguenay: A Sociolinguistic Approach to Their Phonological (Non-)Adaptation.
Uzzell, Renata.

English Borrowings in Montreal and Saguenay: A Sociolinguistic Approach to Their Phonological (Non-)Adaptation. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2021 - 517 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-04, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2021.

This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.

When speakers of one language use loanwords borrowed from another language, illicit segments are often adapted to conform to the borrowing language. Thus, when Quebec French (QF) speakers use the English loanword hockey [hɑki] they say [ɔke] deleting /h/, a segment not allowed in French. Bilinguals, who have knowledge of both source and borrowing language phonologies, are generally responsible for borrowing. In integrating loanwords, bilinguals draw on both source and borrowing language phonologies, using each to guide how loanwords are pronounced. Although linguistic factors limit the potential realizations of loanwords, community norms influenced by extralinguistic factors also constrain actual realization patterns. For example, rates of importation (e.g., QF speakers pronouncing hockey as [hɔke] with /h/ as in English) frequently increase with higher levels of community bilingualism and when borrowers have positive affect towards the source language.This study investigates loanword integration using two corpora of French from Quebec, one from Montreal and one from Saguenay, cities with different rates of bilingualism and different French-Canadian identities. Both corpora were collected in the early 1980s and follow similar principles for constructing sociolinguistic corpora. Of particular interest to this study is that the majority of each interview consists of guided conversations. Thus, these two corpora are ideal for comparing spontaneous uses of QF speakers in Montreal and Saguenay from the same time period.My analysis of the integration of English loanwords in these cities focuses on three aspects: /VN/ sequences (e.g., is camping realized as [kɑmpɪn] maintaining the [VN] or as [kɑ̃pɪn] with a [Ṽ]?), word-final high vowels (e.g., is Beaconsfield realized as [bikɔnsfild] with a long/tense word-final high vowel or as [bikɔnsfɪld] with a short/lax one??), and word-final consonant clusters (CC) (e.g., is Rockland realized as [ʁaklənd] maintaining the word-final CC or as [ʁaklən] with a simplified word-final CC??). Contrary to expectations, the norms for the phonological integration of loanwords are shared by speakers in Montreal and Saguenay, with a significant portion of English-like realizations of /VN/ sequences and high vowels. The CC realizations are more heterogeneous: both CCs expected to simplify and those expected to be maintained are simplified in loanwords. The rate of simplification is always lower than in native QF words, although the clusters expected to simplify do so at a higher rate than those not expected to simplify. Taken together, the results suggest that CC simplification in loanwords can be analyzed separately from CC simplification in native QF items.

ISBN: 9798460459827Subjects--Topical Terms:

524467
Sociolinguistics.
Subjects--Index Terms:

Anglicismes

English Borrowings in Montreal and Saguenay: A Sociolinguistic Approach to Their Phonological (Non-)Adaptation.
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245 1 0 $a English Borrowings in Montreal and Saguenay: A Sociolinguistic Approach to Their Phonological (Non-)Adaptation.
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300 $a 517 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-04, Section: A.
500 $a Advisor: Auger, Julie;Davis, Stuart.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2021.
506 $a This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
520 $a When speakers of one language use loanwords borrowed from another language, illicit segments are often adapted to conform to the borrowing language. Thus, when Quebec French (QF) speakers use the English loanword hockey [hɑki] they say [ɔke] deleting /h/, a segment not allowed in French. Bilinguals, who have knowledge of both source and borrowing language phonologies, are generally responsible for borrowing. In integrating loanwords, bilinguals draw on both source and borrowing language phonologies, using each to guide how loanwords are pronounced. Although linguistic factors limit the potential realizations of loanwords, community norms influenced by extralinguistic factors also constrain actual realization patterns. For example, rates of importation (e.g., QF speakers pronouncing hockey as [hɔke] with /h/ as in English) frequently increase with higher levels of community bilingualism and when borrowers have positive affect towards the source language.This study investigates loanword integration using two corpora of French from Quebec, one from Montreal and one from Saguenay, cities with different rates of bilingualism and different French-Canadian identities. Both corpora were collected in the early 1980s and follow similar principles for constructing sociolinguistic corpora. Of particular interest to this study is that the majority of each interview consists of guided conversations. Thus, these two corpora are ideal for comparing spontaneous uses of QF speakers in Montreal and Saguenay from the same time period.My analysis of the integration of English loanwords in these cities focuses on three aspects: /VN/ sequences (e.g., is camping realized as [kɑmpɪn] maintaining the [VN] or as [kɑ̃pɪn] with a [Ṽ]?), word-final high vowels (e.g., is Beaconsfield realized as [bikɔnsfild] with a long/tense word-final high vowel or as [bikɔnsfɪld] with a short/lax one??), and word-final consonant clusters (CC) (e.g., is Rockland realized as [ʁaklənd] maintaining the word-final CC or as [ʁaklən] with a simplified word-final CC??). Contrary to expectations, the norms for the phonological integration of loanwords are shared by speakers in Montreal and Saguenay, with a significant portion of English-like realizations of /VN/ sequences and high vowels. The CC realizations are more heterogeneous: both CCs expected to simplify and those expected to be maintained are simplified in loanwords. The rate of simplification is always lower than in native QF words, although the clusters expected to simplify do so at a higher rate than those not expected to simplify. Taken together, the results suggest that CC simplification in loanwords can be analyzed separately from CC simplification in native QF items.
590 $a School code: 0093.
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650 4 $a Modern language. $3 3174390
653 $a Anglicismes
653 $a English
653 $a Loanwords
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653 $a Quebec French
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773 0 $t Dissertations Abstracts International $g 83-04A.
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856 4 0 $u http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28769467