東華大學圖書館 |

Language: English

Help

回圖書館首頁

手機版館藏查詢

Back

Switch To: Labeled | MARC Mode | ISBD

Who Guards the Guardians? Political ...

Zoorob, Michael James.

Linked to FindBook

Google Book

Amazon

博客來

Who Guards the Guardians? Political Accountability Over the Police in the United States.

Record Type:	Electronic resources : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Who Guards the Guardians? Political Accountability Over the Police in the United States./
Author:	Zoorob, Michael James.
Published:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2021,
Description:	207 p.
Notes:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-02, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International83-02A.
Subject:	Political science. -
Online resource:	https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28498309
ISBN:	9798534671704

Who Guards the Guardians? Political Accountability Over the Police in the United States.
Zoorob, Michael James.

Who Guards the Guardians? Political Accountability Over the Police in the United States. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2021 - 207 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-02, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Harvard University, 2021.

This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.

Under what conditions can citizens hold government officials accountable for their behavior? I examine accountability over the police, a pervasive face of the state as experienced by most people. Like elected politicians, police enjoy significant discretion, limited oversight, power, and corruptibility. Continued problems of police violence and disparate treatment, especially against Black Americans, have shown the importance of accountable policing. Using calls for service records, election returns, survey data, and case studies, I explore challenges of political accountability across the highly varied 18,000 police department in the United States. The police are both a nationally salient social group - evaluated differently by partisans in a national media environment - as well as a locally-provided government function that tens of millions of Americans encounter regularly. This decentralization complicates improvements to policing policies by limiting the impacts of reform activism to particular cities and by misaligning activism with local conditions (Chapter 1). Millions of Americans regularly call the police to manage a swathe of urgent problems. Examining whether citizens punish street-level bureaucrats for misbehavior by withdrawing from demands for police intervention, I find that daily demands for policing services remain steady after well-publicized police abuse (Chapter 2). Absent exit, change requires political action. One manifestation of the varieties of American policing is between elected and appointed police leadership. I show that each approach has problems: elected sheriffs seem too steady in their offices - over which they enjoy almost unfettered control and significant incumbency advantage - while appointed police chiefs are constrained by unions, politicians, and the public (Chapter 3). Drawing on case studies of immigration enforcement in county jails, I show that nationally salient issues can impinge on the domains of county Sheriffs and increase interest and energy in local elections - aligning policies with preferences through a process I term "redirected nationalization" (Chapter 4). An additional problem is that police officers are themselves political agents who can resist change. By analyzing their nearly universal support for Donald Trump in the 2016 election, and the status of police as a salient cleavage in American electoral politics, I show a strong affinity between police union and right-wing politics rooted in the sense that police are "under siege" by Black Lives Matter and calls for reform (Chapter 5). This uniform conservative orientation of police culture clashes with the array of problems the police manage, which frequently include homelessness and mental illness (Chapter 6, co-authored with Jacob Brown). I conclude that, where possible, it is better to unbundle the multifaceted police role, with specialized civil servants responding to classes of problems (Chapter 7). However, the decentralization of policing in the United States and the ambiguity of many calls for services will complicate unbundling. Hence, there remains a need to cultivate a police culture sensitive to the range of problems police encounter and, longer term, to ameliorate the social conditions which drive reliance on police services.

ISBN: 9798534671704Subjects--Topical Terms:

528916
Political science.
Subjects--Index Terms:

Police

Who Guards the Guardians? Political Accountability Over the Police in the United States.
LDR:04466nmm a2200373 4500 001 2284931
005 20211124093257.5
008 220723s2021 ||||||||||||||||| ||eng d
020 $a 9798534671704
035 $a (MiAaPQ)AAI28498309
035 $a AAI28498309
040 $a MiAaPQ $c MiAaPQ
100 1 $a Zoorob, Michael James. $0 (orcid)0000-0001-8187-0937 $3 3564154
245 1 0 $a Who Guards the Guardians? Political Accountability Over the Police in the United States.
260 1 $a Ann Arbor : $b ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, $c 2021
300 $a 207 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-02, Section: A.
500 $a Advisor: Hochschild, Jennifer L.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--Harvard University, 2021.
506 $a This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
520 $a Under what conditions can citizens hold government officials accountable for their behavior? I examine accountability over the police, a pervasive face of the state as experienced by most people. Like elected politicians, police enjoy significant discretion, limited oversight, power, and corruptibility. Continued problems of police violence and disparate treatment, especially against Black Americans, have shown the importance of accountable policing. Using calls for service records, election returns, survey data, and case studies, I explore challenges of political accountability across the highly varied 18,000 police department in the United States. The police are both a nationally salient social group - evaluated differently by partisans in a national media environment - as well as a locally-provided government function that tens of millions of Americans encounter regularly. This decentralization complicates improvements to policing policies by limiting the impacts of reform activism to particular cities and by misaligning activism with local conditions (Chapter 1). Millions of Americans regularly call the police to manage a swathe of urgent problems. Examining whether citizens punish street-level bureaucrats for misbehavior by withdrawing from demands for police intervention, I find that daily demands for policing services remain steady after well-publicized police abuse (Chapter 2). Absent exit, change requires political action. One manifestation of the varieties of American policing is between elected and appointed police leadership. I show that each approach has problems: elected sheriffs seem too steady in their offices - over which they enjoy almost unfettered control and significant incumbency advantage - while appointed police chiefs are constrained by unions, politicians, and the public (Chapter 3). Drawing on case studies of immigration enforcement in county jails, I show that nationally salient issues can impinge on the domains of county Sheriffs and increase interest and energy in local elections - aligning policies with preferences through a process I term "redirected nationalization" (Chapter 4). An additional problem is that police officers are themselves political agents who can resist change. By analyzing their nearly universal support for Donald Trump in the 2016 election, and the status of police as a salient cleavage in American electoral politics, I show a strong affinity between police union and right-wing politics rooted in the sense that police are "under siege" by Black Lives Matter and calls for reform (Chapter 5). This uniform conservative orientation of police culture clashes with the array of problems the police manage, which frequently include homelessness and mental illness (Chapter 6, co-authored with Jacob Brown). I conclude that, where possible, it is better to unbundle the multifaceted police role, with specialized civil servants responding to classes of problems (Chapter 7). However, the decentralization of policing in the United States and the ambiguity of many calls for services will complicate unbundling. Hence, there remains a need to cultivate a police culture sensitive to the range of problems police encounter and, longer term, to ameliorate the social conditions which drive reliance on police services.
590 $a School code: 0084.
650 4 $a Political science. $3 528916
650 4 $a Law enforcement. $3 607408
650 4 $a Criminology. $3 533274
650 4 $a Polls & surveys. $3 3546576
650 4 $a Local elections. $3 3564155
650 4 $a Political activism. $2 bicssc $3 2079578
650 4 $a Violence. $3 528323
650 4 $a Nationalization. $3 3564156
650 4 $a Law. $3 600858
650 4 $a Riots. $3 1972755
650 4 $a Partisanship. $3 3562071
650 4 $a Police brutality. $3 1243322
650 4 $a Cities. $3 3544022
650 4 $a Voter behavior. $3 3564157
653 $a Police
653 $a Accountability
653 $a Government officials
653 $a Law enforcement
690 $a 0615
690 $a 0398
690 $a 0206
690 $a 0627
710 2 $a Harvard University. $b Government. $3 2098260
773 0 $t Dissertations Abstracts International $g 83-02A.
790 $a 0084
791 $a Ph.D.
792 $a 2021
793 $a English
856 4 0 $u https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28498309