東華大學圖書館 |

Language: English

Help

回圖書館首頁

手機版館藏查詢

Back to Search results for [ null ]

Switch To: Labeled | MARC Mode | ISBD

Whose Voice Matters? Conformists, No...

Zhang, Tongtong.

Linked to FindBook

Google Book

Amazon

博客來

Whose Voice Matters? Conformists, Non-Conformists, and Responsiveness in China.

Record Type:	Electronic resources : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Whose Voice Matters? Conformists, Non-Conformists, and Responsiveness in China./
Author:	Zhang, Tongtong.
Published:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2022,
Description:	185 p.
Notes:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-11, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International84-11A.
Subject:	Collective action. -
Online resource:	https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=30399011
ISBN:	9798379472214

Whose Voice Matters? Conformists, Non-Conformists, and Responsiveness in China.
Zhang, Tongtong.

Whose Voice Matters? Conformists, Non-Conformists, and Responsiveness in China. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2022 - 185 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-11, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2022.

Despite lacking electoral incentives, officials in non-democracies provide numerous deliberation channels that respond to citizen grievances. What motivates government responsiveness under dictatorship? What type of responses do governments give and to whom are governments most likely to respond? Existing studies on authoritarian responsiveness largely contend that dictators prioritize the appeals of potential dissidents. Yet, my findings based on an empirical study of demands and government responses through online deliberation channels suggest that the Chinese regime deliberately provides substantive service to citizens who show higher conformity to the regime. I argue that rewarding conformists is a calculated signal to the public that political obedience is rewarded with real benefits. This dissertation develops a theoretical framework for understanding the sources, types, and effects of public deliberation in authoritarian settings, and then tests the theory through a detailed empirical inquiry into the operation and effects of deliberative institutions in China.I will document that the Chinese regime strategically maneuvers responses of different qualities for social control. Using original data that consists of over 156,000 online citizen appeals and government responses, I show that local officials selectively provide substantive responses- responses that resolve the appealed problems-to citizens who show higher conformity to the regime's surveillance and censorship on the Internet. In contrast, officials selectively provide symbolic responses-responses that are rhetorical without solving the problems-to citizen appeals that are more likely to elicit collective action. Using interviews with local officials conducted over 12-month fieldwork in China, I find that officials engage in this selective responsiveness primarily to set examples to petitioners and potential petitioners that compliance, not organized opposition, will open doors for satisfying their demands.Going a step beyond most studies of government responsiveness, the dissertation follows how citizens react to government responses of different qualities over time. My original longitudinal data of citizen online speeches show that obtaining a substantive response motivates citizens to speak more positively of the regime and increase engagement with government institutions. Receiving a symbolic response motivates citizens to speak more positively of the regime and over three months after the time of the response, these citizens reduce their politically dissenting expressions to a level lower than that before the appeal despite that their problems are not resolved by the government. This suggests that the regime's selective responsiveness does induce more conformist behaviors among citizens. That said, the failure to get substantive response also motivates citizens to reduce appeals through government-run channels and seek more coordination with other societal actors for political petitions, which has the potential to destabilize the regime over time.My findings suggest the need to re-conceptualize accountability under autocracy not only as a reactive approach to appease opposition, but also as a proactive strategy to cultivate conformity. More broadly, since selective responsiveness is documented in both democratic and nondemocratic governments, the maneuvering between substantive vs. symbolic responses by Chinese officials calls for more monitoring, auditing, and research not only on whether governments respond to their citizens, but also on how they respond.

ISBN: 9798379472214Subjects--Topical Terms:

3556016
Collective action.

Whose Voice Matters? Conformists, Non-Conformists, and Responsiveness in China.
LDR:04658nmm a2200337 4500 001 2404456
005 20241213095537.5
006 m o d
007 cr#unu||||||||
008 251215s2022 ||||||||||||||||| ||eng d
020 $a 9798379472214
035 $a (MiAaPQ)AAI30399011
035 $a (MiAaPQ)STANFORDyw158xc6488
035 $a AAI30399011
040 $a MiAaPQ $c MiAaPQ
100 1 $a Zhang, Tongtong. $3 3774771
245 1 0 $a Whose Voice Matters? Conformists, Non-Conformists, and Responsiveness in China.
260 1 $a Ann Arbor : $b ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, $c 2022
300 $a 185 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-11, Section: A.
500 $a Advisor: Blaydes, Lisa;Grimmer, Justin;Pan, Jennifer;Oi, Jean.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2022.
520 $a Despite lacking electoral incentives, officials in non-democracies provide numerous deliberation channels that respond to citizen grievances. What motivates government responsiveness under dictatorship? What type of responses do governments give and to whom are governments most likely to respond? Existing studies on authoritarian responsiveness largely contend that dictators prioritize the appeals of potential dissidents. Yet, my findings based on an empirical study of demands and government responses through online deliberation channels suggest that the Chinese regime deliberately provides substantive service to citizens who show higher conformity to the regime. I argue that rewarding conformists is a calculated signal to the public that political obedience is rewarded with real benefits. This dissertation develops a theoretical framework for understanding the sources, types, and effects of public deliberation in authoritarian settings, and then tests the theory through a detailed empirical inquiry into the operation and effects of deliberative institutions in China.I will document that the Chinese regime strategically maneuvers responses of different qualities for social control. Using original data that consists of over 156,000 online citizen appeals and government responses, I show that local officials selectively provide substantive responses- responses that resolve the appealed problems-to citizens who show higher conformity to the regime's surveillance and censorship on the Internet. In contrast, officials selectively provide symbolic responses-responses that are rhetorical without solving the problems-to citizen appeals that are more likely to elicit collective action. Using interviews with local officials conducted over 12-month fieldwork in China, I find that officials engage in this selective responsiveness primarily to set examples to petitioners and potential petitioners that compliance, not organized opposition, will open doors for satisfying their demands.Going a step beyond most studies of government responsiveness, the dissertation follows how citizens react to government responses of different qualities over time. My original longitudinal data of citizen online speeches show that obtaining a substantive response motivates citizens to speak more positively of the regime and increase engagement with government institutions. Receiving a symbolic response motivates citizens to speak more positively of the regime and over three months after the time of the response, these citizens reduce their politically dissenting expressions to a level lower than that before the appeal despite that their problems are not resolved by the government. This suggests that the regime's selective responsiveness does induce more conformist behaviors among citizens. That said, the failure to get substantive response also motivates citizens to reduce appeals through government-run channels and seek more coordination with other societal actors for political petitions, which has the potential to destabilize the regime over time.My findings suggest the need to re-conceptualize accountability under autocracy not only as a reactive approach to appease opposition, but also as a proactive strategy to cultivate conformity. More broadly, since selective responsiveness is documented in both democratic and nondemocratic governments, the maneuvering between substantive vs. symbolic responses by Chinese officials calls for more monitoring, auditing, and research not only on whether governments respond to their citizens, but also on how they respond.
590 $a School code: 0212.
650 4 $a Collective action. $3 3556016
650 4 $a Authoritarianism. $3 583923
650 4 $a Political activism. $2 bicssc $3 2079578
650 4 $a Citizen participation. $3 3560084
650 4 $a Electronic government. $3 3681924
650 4 $a Data science. $3 3689306
650 4 $a Conformity. $3 565087
650 4 $a Political science. $3 528916
650 4 $a Democracy. $3 519163
650 4 $a Autocracy. $3 3682753
650 4 $a Social sciences. $3 516032
650 4 $a Asian studies. $3 1571829
650 4 $a Sociology. $3 516174
690 $a 0615
690 $a 0342
690 $a 0626
710 2 $a Stanford University. $3 754827
773 0 $t Dissertations Abstracts International $g 84-11A.
790 $a 0212
791 $a Ph.D.
792 $a 2022
793 $a English
856 4 0 $u https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=30399011