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Queer Movements and Class Politics in New York City.

Record Type:	Electronic resources : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Queer Movements and Class Politics in New York City./
Author:	O'Brien, Michelle Esther.
Published:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2021,
Description:	460 p.
Notes:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 82-09, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International82-09A.
Subject:	Sociology. -
Online resource:	https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28153999
ISBN:	9798582576105

Queer Movements and Class Politics in New York City.
O'Brien, Michelle Esther.

Queer Movements and Class Politics in New York City. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2021 - 460 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 82-09, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--New York University, 2021.

This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.

"Queer Movements and Class Politics in New York City" examines the role of political economy, class politics and financialization in shaping, constraining and enabling lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) social movements in New York City from 1978 to 2020. It argues political economy helps explain the LGBTQ's movements polarized outcomes, both the substantial organizing and policy victories around civil rights goals, and the comparable absence of organizing or success in addressing eroding economic conditions for working-class LGBTQ people, particularly poor queer and trans people of color. Political economy is essential for understanding the historical trajectory of NYC's LGBTQ organizing since the late 1970s, how the movement grew and took shape, and what it was able to accomplish. Specifically, the city's deindustrialization; the growth of the financial services industry, real estate and tourism; and the declining power of the city's organized working class all had far-reaching effects on queer life and LGBTQ movements.This study challenges the minimizing of class that characterizes the study of LGBTQ social movements, queer studies, and social movement studies of recent decades. As the LGBTQ movement has gained prominence, it has served as an invaluable case study for significant theoretical developments in social movement studies. Studies of LGBTQ social movements have made contributions across the major analytic concepts on which the study of social movements has come to depend. But much of this research has severed these explanatory concepts from an understanding of class and political economy, treating them as replacements for a class analytic. This reflects a broader shift in social movement studies. While classic and influential works on social movements locate movement emergence and success in the long-arc dynamics of capitalist development, since the 1990s social movement studies has increasingly abandoned political economy as a means of explanation.Rather than proposing a return to class reductionism or disregarding recent decades of social movement research, the present study works to integrate political economy with four concepts centrally used today by scholars to explain social movement organizing: collective identities, emotions and affect, political opportunities, and intersectionality. Each, I argue, operates as co-determining and co-mediating variables with class forces in shaping social movement dynamics. Each concept is impoverished when divorced from an attention to the potential relevance of capitalist development, industrial transformation, class interests or class power. By integrating political economy with these analytical tools, the present study offers a more robust theoretical framework for analyzing social movements.This dissertation is primarily based on 73 in-depth, semi-structured interviews conducted by the author averaging 90 minutes each, triangulated with public news sources and archives of movement organizations. Interviews were largely with leadership, staff and active members of the social movement organizations (SMOs) that constitute my case studies, but interviews also include funders, independent activists, and others with the opportunity to observe and engage these organizations. All interviews were transcribed. I used both abductive analysis and the extended case method. Drawing from abductive analysis, I conducted data analysis concurrently with the interviews, developing tentative hypotheses that would then be developed or abandoned based on subsequent interviews. From the extended case method, I consistently put the interviews and archival analysis in direct relation with the broader historical and extra-local contexts. The analysis sought to identify what motivated pivotal decisions made by SMO staff, including adopting new campaigns, prioritizing some issues above others, and when too close. Further, I make tentative conclusions about what enabled some campaigns to win, and others too fail. Chapter 5 through 7 are based on interviews conducted by the author, including 34 that were donated and are current available, with permission of the subjects, through the NYC Trans Oral History Project. Chapter 8 is based an additional 22 interviews obtained through the ACT UP Oral History Project, in addition to author-conducted interviews.This dissertation is structured around four framing chapters, followed with four empirical chapters. The first three framing chapters begin by analyzing the shift 'from class to culture' in social movement studies broadly and work on LGBTQ movements specifically (Chapter 1); detail my data and methods (Chapter 2); and finally provide an overview using secondary literature of New York's changing political economy since WWII (Chapter 3), tracing the city's deindustrialization, the growth of the financial services industry, the dismantling of much of the city's social safety net, and its replacement with an expansion in policing and mass incarceration. These political economy changes then constitute the explanatory backdrop for the subsequent empirical case studies. In the conclusion, the fourth framing chapter, I argue the key concepts of social movement studies should be integrated with an analysis of political economy.Each of the four empirical chapters both focus on a particular SMO or closely associated cluster of SMOs, two to three specific campaigns undertaken by those organizations, and a particular major concept of social movement studies. Chapter 4 analyzes successful New York's marriage equality campaign undertaken by the Empire State Pride Agenda (ESPA), contrasting it with ESPA's trans equality organizing. It argues the collective identities of wealthy donors had a determinative impact on the organization's choices at key junctures. Chapter 5 examines queer and trans workers leading retail worker organizing campaigns in apparel and sex toy outlets. It identifies specific factors that make queer workers good organizers. It argues the orientation to emotions, care and feeling in queer countercultures and through experiences of queer social marginalization aids in creating workplace solidarity. Chapter 6 looks to the work of Queers for Economic Justice and their attempts at both cohering an anti-capitalist queer left and organize poor queer adults. It argues that the many obstacles QEJ encountered were linked to a lack of political opportunities based on the overall erosion of working-class power in NYC. Chapter 7 considers the trajectory and transformation of the city's AIDS movement over the 1990s, analyzing AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) and surrounding service organizations. It argues intersectionality is both crucial to understand the concurrence of dynamics of race, sexuality, and class that shaped the movement, but that each of these factors were constrained and partially shaped by the city's political economy. Chapters 4 through 6 look at three distinct class strata of queer communities-wealth, wage workers, and the very poor-while Chapter 7 considers the contentious dynamics of a thoroughly cross-class movement.

ISBN: 9798582576105Subjects--Topical Terms:

516174
Sociology.
Subjects--Index Terms:

Capitalism

Queer Movements and Class Politics in New York City.
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520 $a "Queer Movements and Class Politics in New York City" examines the role of political economy, class politics and financialization in shaping, constraining and enabling lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) social movements in New York City from 1978 to 2020. It argues political economy helps explain the LGBTQ's movements polarized outcomes, both the substantial organizing and policy victories around civil rights goals, and the comparable absence of organizing or success in addressing eroding economic conditions for working-class LGBTQ people, particularly poor queer and trans people of color. Political economy is essential for understanding the historical trajectory of NYC's LGBTQ organizing since the late 1970s, how the movement grew and took shape, and what it was able to accomplish. Specifically, the city's deindustrialization; the growth of the financial services industry, real estate and tourism; and the declining power of the city's organized working class all had far-reaching effects on queer life and LGBTQ movements.This study challenges the minimizing of class that characterizes the study of LGBTQ social movements, queer studies, and social movement studies of recent decades. As the LGBTQ movement has gained prominence, it has served as an invaluable case study for significant theoretical developments in social movement studies. Studies of LGBTQ social movements have made contributions across the major analytic concepts on which the study of social movements has come to depend. But much of this research has severed these explanatory concepts from an understanding of class and political economy, treating them as replacements for a class analytic. This reflects a broader shift in social movement studies. While classic and influential works on social movements locate movement emergence and success in the long-arc dynamics of capitalist development, since the 1990s social movement studies has increasingly abandoned political economy as a means of explanation.Rather than proposing a return to class reductionism or disregarding recent decades of social movement research, the present study works to integrate political economy with four concepts centrally used today by scholars to explain social movement organizing: collective identities, emotions and affect, political opportunities, and intersectionality. Each, I argue, operates as co-determining and co-mediating variables with class forces in shaping social movement dynamics. Each concept is impoverished when divorced from an attention to the potential relevance of capitalist development, industrial transformation, class interests or class power. By integrating political economy with these analytical tools, the present study offers a more robust theoretical framework for analyzing social movements.This dissertation is primarily based on 73 in-depth, semi-structured interviews conducted by the author averaging 90 minutes each, triangulated with public news sources and archives of movement organizations. Interviews were largely with leadership, staff and active members of the social movement organizations (SMOs) that constitute my case studies, but interviews also include funders, independent activists, and others with the opportunity to observe and engage these organizations. All interviews were transcribed. I used both abductive analysis and the extended case method. Drawing from abductive analysis, I conducted data analysis concurrently with the interviews, developing tentative hypotheses that would then be developed or abandoned based on subsequent interviews. From the extended case method, I consistently put the interviews and archival analysis in direct relation with the broader historical and extra-local contexts. The analysis sought to identify what motivated pivotal decisions made by SMO staff, including adopting new campaigns, prioritizing some issues above others, and when too close. Further, I make tentative conclusions about what enabled some campaigns to win, and others too fail. Chapter 5 through 7 are based on interviews conducted by the author, including 34 that were donated and are current available, with permission of the subjects, through the NYC Trans Oral History Project. Chapter 8 is based an additional 22 interviews obtained through the ACT UP Oral History Project, in addition to author-conducted interviews.This dissertation is structured around four framing chapters, followed with four empirical chapters. The first three framing chapters begin by analyzing the shift 'from class to culture' in social movement studies broadly and work on LGBTQ movements specifically (Chapter 1); detail my data and methods (Chapter 2); and finally provide an overview using secondary literature of New York's changing political economy since WWII (Chapter 3), tracing the city's deindustrialization, the growth of the financial services industry, the dismantling of much of the city's social safety net, and its replacement with an expansion in policing and mass incarceration. These political economy changes then constitute the explanatory backdrop for the subsequent empirical case studies. In the conclusion, the fourth framing chapter, I argue the key concepts of social movement studies should be integrated with an analysis of political economy.Each of the four empirical chapters both focus on a particular SMO or closely associated cluster of SMOs, two to three specific campaigns undertaken by those organizations, and a particular major concept of social movement studies. Chapter 4 analyzes successful New York's marriage equality campaign undertaken by the Empire State Pride Agenda (ESPA), contrasting it with ESPA's trans equality organizing. It argues the collective identities of wealthy donors had a determinative impact on the organization's choices at key junctures. Chapter 5 examines queer and trans workers leading retail worker organizing campaigns in apparel and sex toy outlets. It identifies specific factors that make queer workers good organizers. It argues the orientation to emotions, care and feeling in queer countercultures and through experiences of queer social marginalization aids in creating workplace solidarity. Chapter 6 looks to the work of Queers for Economic Justice and their attempts at both cohering an anti-capitalist queer left and organize poor queer adults. It argues that the many obstacles QEJ encountered were linked to a lack of political opportunities based on the overall erosion of working-class power in NYC. Chapter 7 considers the trajectory and transformation of the city's AIDS movement over the 1990s, analyzing AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) and surrounding service organizations. It argues intersectionality is both crucial to understand the concurrence of dynamics of race, sexuality, and class that shaped the movement, but that each of these factors were constrained and partially shaped by the city's political economy. Chapters 4 through 6 look at three distinct class strata of queer communities-wealth, wage workers, and the very poor-while Chapter 7 considers the contentious dynamics of a thoroughly cross-class movement.
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