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The semantic variability of the emph...

Sano, Kyoko.

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The semantic variability of the emphatic construction koso -e in Old Japanese.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	The semantic variability of the emphatic construction koso -e in Old Japanese./
作者:	Sano, Kyoko.
出版者:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2017,
面頁冊數:	198 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 78-08(E), Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International78-08A(E).
標題:	Linguistics. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=10253422
ISBN:	9781369693300

The semantic variability of the emphatic construction koso -e in Old Japanese.
Sano, Kyoko.

The semantic variability of the emphatic construction koso -e in Old Japanese. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2017 - 198 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 78-08(E), Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2017.

There is an interesting emphatic construction (called a koso --e construction) in Old Japanese, in which the focus particle koso concords with the exclamatory (--e) sentence ending form. When koso focuses on an irrealis/subjunctive conditional clause, the overall sentence expresses a peculiar counterfactual-like conditional, which I call "rhetorical counterfactuals." This interpretation is different from the standard counterfactual interpretation in that the speaker's intention of stating a subjunctive conditional is a strong denial of the consequent. The strong denial of the consequent follows from the speaker's belief that the proposition in the antecedent is inconceivable.

ISBN: 9781369693300Subjects--Topical Terms:

524476
Linguistics.

The semantic variability of the emphatic construction koso -e in Old Japanese.
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245 1 4 $a The semantic variability of the emphatic construction koso -e in Old Japanese.
260 1 $a Ann Arbor : $b ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, $c 2017
300 $a 198 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 78-08(E), Section: A.
500 $a Adviser: Toshiyuki Ogihara.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2017.
520 $a There is an interesting emphatic construction (called a koso --e construction) in Old Japanese, in which the focus particle koso concords with the exclamatory (--e) sentence ending form. When koso focuses on an irrealis/subjunctive conditional clause, the overall sentence expresses a peculiar counterfactual-like conditional, which I call "rhetorical counterfactuals." This interpretation is different from the standard counterfactual interpretation in that the speaker's intention of stating a subjunctive conditional is a strong denial of the consequent. The strong denial of the consequent follows from the speaker's belief that the proposition in the antecedent is inconceivable.
520 $a The thesis addresses the problems concerning the truth conditions of counterfactuals with inconceivable antecedents. The problem is whether the rhetorical reading of subjunctive conditional can be assigned a non-vacuous truth by the truth conditions of counterfactuals. I argue that the rhetorical counterfactual expressed in koso --e has the truth conditions of only if counterfactuals; and the rhetorical/non-rhetorical readings are derived from the speaker's assumption as to whether the closest world(s) in which the antecedent holds is/are among what the speaker considers conceivable in the context.
520 $a The causal interpretation of koso --e is obtained when koso focuses on a realis conditional (i.e. -- ba 'whenever/when') clause. Data suggest that conditional and causal interpretations of koso --e are morphologically distinct in the modal context. The thesis argues that the indicative subordinate clauses are semantically selected by epistemic/ evidential modals.
520 $a In the non-modal context, I claim that both causal and conditional interpretations are variants of temporal subordinating conjunctions. To show that this is the case, I presented that not only --ba clauses but also other antecedent forms such as temporal adverbial clauses and gerundive clauses in koso --e exhibit the semantic variability of conditional/causal interpretations. The causal/conditional/temporal interpretations are inferred from the context, depending on whether the antecedent is true or not true with respect to the context.
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