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The Haitian crisis of 1991--1994: Co...

Costa, Sergio Alexandre.

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The Haitian crisis of 1991--1994: Constraints and asymmetry in United States-Latin American relations.

Record Type:	Electronic resources : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	The Haitian crisis of 1991--1994: Constraints and asymmetry in United States-Latin American relations./
Author:	Costa, Sergio Alexandre.
Description:	307 p.
Notes:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-11, Section: A, page: 4319.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International67-11A.
Subject:	History, Latin American. -
Online resource:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3240615
ISBN:	9780542960789

The Haitian crisis of 1991--1994: Constraints and asymmetry in United States-Latin American relations.
Costa, Sergio Alexandre.

The Haitian crisis of 1991--1994: Constraints and asymmetry in United States-Latin American relations. - 307 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-11, Section: A, page: 4319.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University, 2007.

The literature on United States-Latin American relations largely understates the constraining forces that shape U.S. policy in Latin America. This study offers a constraints framework which relies on external and internal factors to explain the Haitian crisis of 1991-1994. The formal policy of the United States called for the restoration of democracy in Haiti and the return of Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. However, the U.S. government's response to the crisis can be characterized in three respects. One, the U.S. military, U.S. intelligence community, and later President Clinton's foreign policy team worked at cross-purposes with each other producing dissonance in the government structure itself. This can be partly explained by President Clinton's failure to prioritize foreign policy early in his administration. Two, economic sanctions imposed by the United States and the Organization of American States (OAS) were ineffective. As an alternative to military intervention, economic sanctions did not substantively resolve the political crisis. American public opinion was not favorable toward military intervention. In October 1991, the Bush administration and the OAS quickly responded by imposing an embargo on Haiti. However, the Bush administration then weakened the embargo by issuing license exceptions to U.S. businesses in Haiti. In 1994, the UN mandate to enforce the global embargo proved critical to make the sanctions effective, albeit three years later. Nevertheless, the military junta in Haiti became increasingly emboldened and profited from the embargo while the Haitian poor suffered under the embargo. Third, American policymakers and Presidents Bush and Clinton were constrained by a number of U.S. domestic and electoral factors. These pressures were strong enough to elicit policy changes in response to criticism over repatriating Haitian migrants without adequate asylum pre-screening. However, these sporadic policy changes did not resolve the refugee crisis but were reactive as opposed to substantive measures which did nothing to resolve the political crisis in Haiti. Indeed, U.S. policy toward the Haitian boat people contrasted sharply with U.S. policy toward Cuban refugees. The poor response to the Haitian crisis was rooted in the U.S. government's inability to overcome these constraints at multiple levels.

ISBN: 9780542960789Subjects--Topical Terms:

1017580
History, Latin American.

The Haitian crisis of 1991--1994: Constraints and asymmetry in United States-Latin American relations.
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520 $a The literature on United States-Latin American relations largely understates the constraining forces that shape U.S. policy in Latin America. This study offers a constraints framework which relies on external and internal factors to explain the Haitian crisis of 1991-1994. The formal policy of the United States called for the restoration of democracy in Haiti and the return of Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. However, the U.S. government's response to the crisis can be characterized in three respects. One, the U.S. military, U.S. intelligence community, and later President Clinton's foreign policy team worked at cross-purposes with each other producing dissonance in the government structure itself. This can be partly explained by President Clinton's failure to prioritize foreign policy early in his administration. Two, economic sanctions imposed by the United States and the Organization of American States (OAS) were ineffective. As an alternative to military intervention, economic sanctions did not substantively resolve the political crisis. American public opinion was not favorable toward military intervention. In October 1991, the Bush administration and the OAS quickly responded by imposing an embargo on Haiti. However, the Bush administration then weakened the embargo by issuing license exceptions to U.S. businesses in Haiti. In 1994, the UN mandate to enforce the global embargo proved critical to make the sanctions effective, albeit three years later. Nevertheless, the military junta in Haiti became increasingly emboldened and profited from the embargo while the Haitian poor suffered under the embargo. Third, American policymakers and Presidents Bush and Clinton were constrained by a number of U.S. domestic and electoral factors. These pressures were strong enough to elicit policy changes in response to criticism over repatriating Haitian migrants without adequate asylum pre-screening. However, these sporadic policy changes did not resolve the refugee crisis but were reactive as opposed to substantive measures which did nothing to resolve the political crisis in Haiti. Indeed, U.S. policy toward the Haitian boat people contrasted sharply with U.S. policy toward Cuban refugees. The poor response to the Haitian crisis was rooted in the U.S. government's inability to overcome these constraints at multiple levels.
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